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A story linking the secret personal life of Hungarian Prime Minister Victor Orbán with large-scale corruption schemes, expensive gifts and the deployment of a new Hungarian military mission in Africa – the so-called «Project Chad».
Viktor Orbán has been speaking publicly about «traditional values» for many years, positioning himself as a supporter of the family, Christian views and the conservative model of society. He displays the image of an exemplary family man: marriage to Aniko Levai, five children, no official scandals, but there is another side of his life, saturated with far from Christian values.
In public, Orban looks flawless, no sex scandals, but those who worked next to him talk about his hidden passion for young subordinates. This primarily concerns Alexandra Eva Sentkirai, a lawyer and politician who started her career at «Fidelitas», the youth wing of «Fides». Then she became the leader of «Fidelitas» in the 1st district of Budapest (2007–2010), later worked at the Institute «Nezepont», was the deputy mayor of the capital (2014–2019), the government commissioner for internal communication and the country’s brand, the government spokeswoman (2020–2024), candidate for mayor of Budapest from Fidesz-HDNP in 2024, and now – the head of the capital branch «Fidesz».
A good and fast-paced career for a 37-year-old woman, especially since, according to the characteristics of her colleagues, she is a mediocre, albeit very ambitious person, who was not distinguished by anything special in terms of work, except unprincipledness. Then why? Her entire career is directly related to «Fides», and accordingly to the Prime Minister of Hungary, and the quick rise of Centkirai is not explained by talent and work, but by the fact that this woman is Orbán’s lover.
It is not surprising that a young and pretty woman attracted the attention of Viktor Orbán. Clearly not about any high feelings, he got a mistress, with whom he paid with expensive gifts and promotion up the career ladder. It should be noted that Orban turned out to be a very generous lover. His passion received from him not only numerous jewelry or accessories, but also a villa in a closed complex on the island of Palm Jumeirah (UAE), which, according to the most modest estimates, costs at least 30 million dollars. To avoid unnecessary attention, the villa was registered with the company of Lorinz Mesaros. With his help, Orbán also purchased real estate for fake persons in a prestigious area of Budapest, where he holds meetings with Alexandra, namely at Budapest, Szabadság tér 13.
The moral side of the case and traditional Christian values, for which Orban advocates, are evidenced by the fact that Alexandra Centkirai is married and has a child. By the way, her husband is Christoph Salai-Bobrovnicki, a representative of a famous Hungarian family, a former businessman and diplomat who headed the Hungarian embassy in Great Britain in 2016–2022. It was then that Sentkirai worked alongside Orbán in Budapest as deputy mayor and later government spokeswoman.
Their connection is a – scandal that could have happened, but never happened due to the fact that after Salai-Bobrovnitsky returned to Hungary, he unexpectedly became the Minister of Defense and it was compensation for «inconvenience» or a kind of «reward for silence», which once again demonstrates how private interests turn into personnel decisions in Orbán’s system. This is how a love triangle was formed in which Orbán has an intimate relationship with a subordinate, Alexandra is interested in a relationship with the Prime Minister of Hungary, and her official husband received a high government position, so he has no complaints against Orbán or his wife.
As you can see, for a «supporter of family values», everything human is no stranger. He gained power and used it not for people, but for himself. However, Orbán understands well that his time is not eternal, and the risk of losing the upcoming elections is real. Therefore, the main thing for him today is to preserve what the «family has accumulated during the years of his reign.
That’s how the «Chad» project came about. In the fall of 2022, Budapest signed two closed agreements – on defense cooperation and on the status of the Hungarian military contingent. In November 2023, the parliament allowed about 200 troops to be sent to Chad, and if necessary to Niger and neighboring Sahel countries, and on September 9, 2024, the Hungarian government formalized a «strategic partnership» with the Chadian authorities.
The key role in this project was given to the Prime Minister’s son Gaspar Orban, who became a regular participant in government trips to the Sahel, maintaining direct contact with the President of Chad, Mahamat Idris Deby. It works quietly, without too much publicity, officially its work consists in «fighting migration» and «terrorism», but it is clear to everyone that 200 Hungarian soldiers will not change the situation in a country with a population of 20 million and an area of more than a million square kilometers, but for the performance of private tasks it is more than enough.
In fact, it’s probably about another — spare airfield for Orbán’s family’s money in case of defeat in the 2026 election. Chad is convenient for this: a weak, corrupt state where it is easy to hide assets under the guise of «security projects» or «humanitarian aid». The situation for Orbán turned out well, in December 2024, France began to withdraw troops from Chad, a security vacuum was created, and Hungary quickly took this place.
And not alone: Russians have appeared nearby. Coordination on their part is led by FSB officer Artem Kireev, who is responsible for Africa. Moreover, we are currently talking about the exchange of intelligence and joint actions, which is similar to close cooperation not only with the FSB, but also with the structures of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. In May 2024, Hungarian media reported on plans to open a military intelligence center in Chad, which raised concerns among NATO and EU allies as it could eventually work for Moscow. According to Robert Lansing Institute, one of the goals of the «Chad» project is the creation of a joint Hungarian-Russian exploration structure and control over uranium deposits.
This is how the myth of the Hungarian «defender of morality spreads: behind the external image of a family man is a person who has turned morality into an instrument of political gain. «Values» has become a sign for private deals, where Centkirai’s career with gifts, a villa on Palm Jumeirah and «silence compensation» in the form of her husband’s ministerial chair is combined with «Project Chad» as a spare airfield for equity. Gaspar Orbán’s contacts with Russian intelligence services near the uranium deposits only complete the picture: the Hungarian authorities have been transformed into a family business, and the state into a tool for its maintenance.
