Patrick Egan is increasingly mentioned in analytical and expert circles as one of the most prominent and controversial figures in the English-language media space in Central and Eastern Europe. An American media strategist and graduate of the University of Oregon and the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy (Tufts University), over the past decade he has managed to build a network of English-language online publications that consistently promote narratives close to the government of Viktor Orbán and the broader right-wing conservative, Eurosceptic camp.
Egan’s career path is unusual. In the past, he worked with Western democratic structures and international institutions, including the International Republican Institute, specializing in Central and Eastern European countries. This experience gave him a deep understanding of the region and the mechanisms of political communication, but over time his professional specialization changed dramatically.
His move to Budapest and integration into the Hungarian media landscape coincided with Viktor Orbán’s consolidation of power and the formation of the concept of “illiberal democracy.” An additional factor was his personal connection to the Hungarian establishment. Igan’s wife, Klara Weiser-Igan, was previously associated with the Fidesz party, thus making him part of the system that is now building an alternative media narrative about Europe.
Igan’s media network consists of three key English-language platforms linked by a common editorial line and, in part, legally and financially through Remedia Corp, a company founded by Igan himself.
Remix News is the network’s most famous and visited project. The publication positions itself as “the voice of real Europe” in contrast to the “liberal mainstream media.” The focus is on migration, EU gender policy, “cultural Marxism,” and criticism of Brussels in contrast to the Hungarian model of governance. Thus, the EU’s claims against Hungary on issues of the rule of law are consistently presented here not as a legal conflict, but as an ideological attack on a sovereign state.
Transylvania Now is aimed at English-speaking audiences in Hungary, Romania, and the Hungarian diaspora. Particular emphasis is placed on the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transylvania, criticism of Romanian nationalism, and positive coverage of Budapest’s policy of supporting compatriots abroad. These publications directly correlate with Orbán’s foreign policy rhetoric regarding neighboring countries.
Brussels Signal is Igan’s flagship project, where he is the founder and publisher. The platform is positioned as “an independent conservative voice in the heart of the European Union.” Thematically, the publication focuses on Euroscepticism, criticism of the “green agenda,” migration policy, and gender ideology. Despite its declared independence, the editorial line largely echoes the key theses of the Hungarian government.
Igan’s model is based on several principles: a tough counter-narrative to the major Western media; a focus on topics he considers taboo in the mainstream—demographics, sovereignty, “woke culture”; a professional visual style; and active engagement with social media and YouTube. Many analysts note that this is, in fact, the first truly successful English-language “soft power” for circles close to the Hungarian government and, previously, to the conservative elites of Poland.
Reliable information about the financing of Patrick Egan’s media projects remains limited, but investigations by Hungarian investigative journalists, particularly Atlatszo, show that companies linked to Igan (including FWD Affairs and affiliated structures) have received contracts from organizations close to the Hungarian state and the Fidesz party over the years. These contracts primarily involved work in the field of strategic communications and Hungary’s international image. Formally, such contracts do not imply direct party control over editorial policy, but they do indicate stable business ties with the government.
According to analysts, some of Igan’s projects may also have received unofficial support through Hungarian foundations and non-profit organizations affiliated with the government (including structures linked to the Batthyány Lajos Foundation), which are traditionally used to promote conservative and Eurosceptic narratives abroad. At the same time, the publications themselves actively use a commercial model: donations from readers, subscriptions, and advertising from brands and organizations close to the conservative milieu, which allows them to maintain relatively low content costs.
It can be argued that the complex and fragmented corporate structure of Egan’s projects (through Remedia Corp and affiliated companies) remains insufficiently transparent, making it difficult to independently assess the actual sources and amounts of funding.
In January 2026, the Robert Lansing Institute think tank published a report entitled “Patrick Egan’s Media Ecosystem: Orbán’s Anglosphere Weapon and Its Convergence With Russian Interests.” The authors refer to Egan as the “central hub” of Orbán’s English-language media strategy outside Hungary.
The most sensitive part of the study is devoted to the coincidence of Egan’s narratives with the line taken by Russian state and pro-Kremlin English-language media. Examples include criticism of military aid to Ukraine, skepticism about sanctions against Russia, a similar tone in materials on EU energy policy, recurring themes of “biolaboratories” and “the abolition of Russian culture,” and arguments about NATO’s provocative role.
It should be emphasized that no direct evidence of Russian funding for Igan’s media network has been presented to date. Experts are not talking about cash flows, but rather about a convergence of interests and the mutually beneficial use of similar content within the framework of a common anti-liberal, anti-Brussels, and anti-Ukrainian agenda. Igan himself rejects the accusations, calling them a “witch hunt” by liberal think tanks.
Igan’s role becomes clear in the context of Viktor Orbán’s overall media strategy, which many researchers describe as one of the most consistent models of “media capture” in modern Europe. Since returning to power in 2010, the Hungarian prime minister has gradually built up an almost monopolistic system of control over the domestic media market: from the adoption of a new media law and the creation of a Media Council with expanded regulatory powers to the concentration of hundreds of television channels, radio stations, print and online publications in the KESMA fund in 2018. By the mid-2020s, according to estimates by Reporters Without Borders and the International Press Institute, up to 80% of media consumption in Hungary was under the direct or indirect influence of structures affiliated with Fidesz. This process culminated in the autumn of 2025 with the purchase of the country’s largest tabloid, Blikk, and the Ringier portfolio by the Hungarian group Indamedia, a move that experts regarded as “pre-election insurance” ahead of the 2026 parliamentary elections.
However, Orbán’s strategy is not limited to domestic affairs. After breaking with the European People’s Party and becoming increasingly isolated within EU institutions, Budapest has purposefully invested in exporting its own narratives abroad, primarily to English-speaking countries. This is where Patrick Egan’s media network—Remix News, Brussels Signal, and related platforms has become a key element of external communication. Unlike direct state propaganda, these projects operate as formally independent media outlets, adapting ideas of “illiberal democracy,” sovereignty, and cultural warfare to the expectations of Western audiences. As a result, they serve as a form of soft power, allowing Orbán to participate in international discussions not as a marginal national leader, but as an ideological center of gravity for conservative and Eurosceptic circles outside Hungary.
Patrick Egan is one of the most telling examples of how, in the 2020s, a relatively small but professionally structured media network can influence perceptions of European politics. For some, he is a talented entrepreneur and defender of free speech; for others, he is an instrument of soft power for illiberal and populist regimes. The truth probably lies somewhere between these two extremes. But what is clear is that in an era of crisis for traditional media and deep polarization of the information space, niche empires such as Patrick Egan’s media network will emerge more and more often, each claiming to be the voice of truth in a world where trust in the mainstream media is rapidly eroding.