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How Fico is contributing to the corrupt degradation of the Slovak establishment

After joining the EU in 2004, the Slovak government began to make great efforts to build democratic institutions and a transparent law enforcement and judicial system. In fact, this was one of the key requirements for Slovakia when joining the European Union.

Slovakia, as a country that was part of the “communist bloc”, inherited most of the problems typical of post-Soviet countries, some of which it has not been able to get rid of to this day. The key figure involved in the creation of the current system of power in Slovakia, the increase in corruption at the highest state level, as well as the oppression of independent media, democratic rights and freedoms is its current Prime Minister Robert Fico. He headed the country’s government three times: in 2006-2010, 2012-2018 and from 2023 to the present.

The first step in the development of the law enforcement sector was the establishment in 2004 of the Special Prosecutor’s Office (ÚŠP), which, in addition to organized crime, specialized in investigating crimes and abuses among officials and big business. In 2011, the National Criminal Agency (NAKA) was founded, which was an elite police unit focused on combating organized crime, corruption and economic crimes. This unit later became a tool for the arrest of more than 130 people associated with various governments, including associates of the current Prime Minister Robert Fico. Corruption scandals and revelations in Slovakia, during his second term, have become increasingly frequent.

After the high-profile contract killing of journalist Jan Kuciak and his fiancée in 2018, who was exposing the connections of the Slovak political elite with the mafia, the problem of combating corruption became relevant again in the country and the need arose to create anti-corruption bodies independent of the state. A year later, in accordance with EU directives, Slovakia created the Whistleblower Protection Office (ÚOO), which provided protection to persons who reported on corruption. It was engaged in investigations of the most serious and politically significant crimes, primarily those involving high-ranking officials. The results of the office’s activities turned out to be effective, which, in synergy with the previous government of Ludovic Odor, which actively fought abuses in the public sector, in 2023 raised Slovakia’s ratings in the global Corruption Perceptions Index of Transparency International.

During 2020-2023, dozens of high-ranking officials were arrested for bribery and mafia ties, including former special anti-corruption prosecutor Dušan Kováčík. The case became high-profile because an official who was supposed to fight organized crime actually became its accomplice.

After Robert Fico returned to power in September 2023, his government immediately began “reforms” that critics called revenge for previous investigations into his associates. In February 2024, the Slovak parliament adopted amendments to the Criminal Code that shortened the statute of limitations for corruption crimes and weakened liability for economic crimes. The Special Prosecutor’s Office (ÚŠP) was abolished, and its cases were transferred to the regular Prosecutor General’s Office, headed by a loyal and devoted R. Fico – Maroš Žilinka, with whom he would later enter into confrontation.

In August 2024, the Fico government decided to dissolve the national criminal agency NAKA. The cases it handled were distributed among police units, which, according to experts, significantly weakened the fight against corruption. Most of these proceedings were never fully proven.

And in December 2025, the Slovak parliament voted to liquidate the Whistleblower Protection Office. This led to the dismissal and prosecution of key detectives who had been conducting the most high-profile cases. One of these is the famous case of the “Curillovci” group, consisting of former NAKA members who were accused of abuse and falsification during anti-corruption investigations. Robert Fico called it “political revenge” by previous governments, and the European Union leadership called the case “an attempt to sabotage anti-corruption investigations and save the old elites.”

Along with corruption, the problem of restricting freedom of speech was also becoming more acute. There were many complaints from the European community and the Slovak public about Fico’s rule due to the oppression of democratic rights and freedoms. Attention was drawn to the rapid adoption of laws without prior discussion, and to the strengthening of control over the editorial policy of the media and mass media.

In 2024, the Fico government decided to reform the largest public television channel, RTVS, which after reorganization was renamed STVR and transferred to state status. The previous management, along with the editorial staff of the news, were completely replaced, which accordingly changed the information policy of the television channel. The public and expert circles have repeatedly noted numerous facts of censorship and biased reporting of news with a complete lack of criticism of the authorities.

The new year 2026 began with a long-standing conflict between R. Fico and Prosecutor General Maroš Žilinka. Fico asked Žilinka to make changes to the report for the EU report on the protection of the rule of law, where the prosecutor’s office pointed to the “catastrophic” state of affairs in the fight against corruption in Slovakia, a 56% decrease in the number of proceedings and the fact that there had been no significant revelations in the highest echelons of power. The Prosecutor General refused Fico to make changes, which caused an even greater confrontation between them.

The prime minister’s conflict with the prosecutor’s office and the EU leadership signals a crisis of the rule of law and democratic regression. It also symbolizes the deeper changes taking place in this country. Without public resistance and international pressure, corruption in Slovakia will only get worse, sending the country back to the past.