Russia demonstrates a heightened interest in preserving its influence in the Balkans, as existing opportunities allow it to convert historical, religious, cultural, and energy ties into real political leverage. In the long term, Moscow aims to prevent the Euro-Atlantic integration of the region’s countries, as well as to undermine European unity by promoting Russian propaganda and creating pockets of instability. The Kremlin has invested considerable effort in consolidating its influence in the region, and one of its key instruments — alongside energy dependency — has been humanitarian expansion.
Since 2021, Serbia has hosted the Balkan Centre of the Russian State University for the Humanities (RSUH), which, under the guise of developing academic cooperation and strengthening cultural ties, disseminates the ideas of the “Russian World” and narratives about a “shared destiny” and “traditional values” — framed in opposition to the supposedly “threatening” European path of development. The Centre engages in the revision of 1990s history, portraying Serbia exclusively as a victim of NATO aggression while absolving it of any responsibility for the genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995 — a position that aligns perfectly with the Kremlin’s contemporary anti-European rhetoric. The Centre develops educational programmes and “academic” publications aimed at cultivating Russia-loyal scholars within Serbia’s university environment.
In October 2025, a branch of the Russian Historical Society was opened in Belgrade. Its patron is Sergei Naryshkin, Director of the Foreign Intelligence Service, known for his anti-Western stance and conspiratorial statements. The Society has become a hub for propaganda events where outright disinformation is spread under the guise of academic conferences and exhibitions. The Belgrade branch was not headed by a prominent local scholar or historian, but by Aleksandar Vulin — former Deputy Prime Minister of Serbia and current chairman of the supervisory board of the energy company Srbijagas — on whom the United States imposed personal sanctions in July 2023 for facilitating “corrupt and destabilising actions” and supporting Russian influence in the Balkans.
One of the Society’s areas of activity is so-called “educational outreach.” Under the pretext of “combating the falsification of history,” it has been observed whitewashing war crimes committed during the Yugoslav era. The Society finances book publishing and has held conferences at which speakers denied the Srebrenica genocide and dismissed the responsibility of the Milošević regime for the inter-ethnic conflict it provoked. Given its subordination to Russian foreign intelligence, the branch serves as a convenient platform for informal contacts between Russians and Serbia’s intellectual elite, politicians, and security officials.
In Serbia, the television channels RT Balkan and Sputnik operate freely, broadcasting in Serbian and reaching a wide audience. These platforms not only relay Kremlin narratives but frequently become primary sources for other local media outlets. Due to the absence of sanctions against Russian media, Belgrade has become a regional hub from which disinformation and “Russian World” ideology spread to neighbouring Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, and North Macedonia.
This is facilitated through a network of “Russian Houses” and programmes run by the Russkiy Mir Foundation, whose mission is to promote the Russian language and culture abroad. Understanding the need for long-term influence, the Kremlin places particular emphasis on youth. Under the Foundation’s auspices, Russian language courses are offered; Serbian IT professionals are frequently invited for internships in Russia; and students from journalism faculties and media practitioners travel to Russia through the Sputnik Pro programme, where they undergo specialised training or professional development courses. It is hardly surprising that, upon their return, they re-enter their newsrooms with a firmly pro-Russian outlook already in place.
“Russian Houses” and Russkiy Mir Foundation offices in Serbia have recently shifted away from conventional exhibitions and neutral cultural events, refocusing instead on the promotion of militaristic and chauvinistic propaganda — going so far as to assist in organising paramilitary youth camps in the Balkan forests, conducted under the banner of “defending shared Orthodox values.”
On the intersection of big capital and spiritual values: Russia recently completed a large-scale mosaic decoration project at the Cathedral of Saint Sava in Belgrade — the largest Orthodox church in the Balkans. The project was funded directly by Gazprom Neft (the operator of the Serbian company NIS). This went beyond mere philanthropic support; it was a visual assertion of Russian presence: a commemorative plaque was installed at the entrance to the cathedral, reminding every visitor of who the “chief protector” and sponsor of Serbian spirituality is.
Moscow does not merely maintain “partnership” relations with Balkan leaders — it has provided them with the tools to remain in power. Serbia receives advisory and practical assistance in suppressing protests; it employs Russian methods for combating the opposition and cleansing the media landscape. Instead of the democratic reforms demanded by the European Union, local elites are offered a Russian model of “managed stability,” in which any critic of the authorities is instantly branded a “traitor to the people” or a “Western spy.”
This is the reality of the genuine “Russian World” — and as long as the Kremlin retains the capacity to exert humanitarian and informational control over the region, the full European integration of the Balkans remains impossible, as does any genuine exit from the sphere of Russian influence.